Moreover, the military started to treat the peace talks as a tool to manage criminality rather than resolve the deep-rooted social, economic and political problems of the region. Prior to the military’s takeover of the government, for example, civil society groups held thousands of forums in the region, allowing residents to share their views and voice their concerns about the peace process.Īfter assuming power, the military stopped these forums, as it suspected they could be used to spark revolutionary fervour among Thailand’s ethnic Malays. ![]() ![]() Before the 2014 military coup, which brought the current prime minister, General Prayuth Chan-ocha, to power, there were some significant efforts to include civilians in the continuing peace talks. Sustainable peace cannot be achieved without including the voices of the civilian stakeholders of this conflict in the conversation. But such efforts are proving insufficient in bringing this decades-old conflict to an end. Peace talks, under Malaysian facilitation, are in place. The intensity of the conflict decreased in recent years, however, the insurgency still disrupts lives and livelihoods in the region and the Thai government’s discriminatory policies against ethnic Malays continue to fuel inter-communal tensions. According to Human Rights Watch, in the 16 years since the Tak Bai incident, some 7000 people, many of them civilians, lost their lives to the conflict. The conflict reached a turning point in 2004, when the Thai security forces violently cracked down on a protest in Tak Bai, Narathiwat, killing some 85 Malay Muslim protesters. ![]() The Thai government’s policies of forced assimilation directed at ethnic Malays and refusal to give the region any meaningful autonomy, coupled with deep poverty and a lack of economic opportunities, resulted in a protracted conflict that threatens both Thailand and the wider region’s stability. Thailand’s Deep South has long been devastated by a conflict between the central government and a resurgent separatist insurgency that traces its roots to the annexation of the once independent Sultanate of Patani into the Siamese Kingdom in the late 18th century. Moreover, it shows that the continuing national struggle for a stronger democracy can help bring peace to the restive region. It demonstrates that not only the Buddhist majority but also the minority communities in Thailand are longing for greater liberties. The Malay Muslim support for the pro-democracy movement is significant for several reasons. ![]() Indeed, in the almost nine decades since the dawn of constitutional democracy in Thailand, a succession of military regimes gradually curtailed the rights and freedoms of Thai citizens, raising questions about the country’s democratic moorings.Īmong those who are raising their voices in support of overdue political reforms in Thailand are the Malay Muslims who reside in the provinces of Patani, Yala and Narathiwat, and some parts of Songkhla, collectively known as the country’s “Deep South”. The protesters’ demands seem to resonate with millions of Thai citizens who have grown weary of military rule. The mostly young protesters have three core demands: the resignation of General Prayuth Chan-ocha’s government to pave the way for fresh elections, the rewriting of the 2017 constitution that entrenches the army’s role in the government, and an end to the systematic harassment and persecution of government critics. In Thailand, what started some months ago as a seemingly minor student movement against the oppressive and anti-democratic practices of the military-led government has developed into a full-blown, nationwide uprising demanding a major upheaval of the predominantly Buddhist Southeast Asian nation’s political system.ĭespite strict COVID-19 protocols restricting the right to peaceful assembly and extensive laws penalising dissent, tens of thousands of people are still taking to the streets across the country regularly to demand change.
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